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AbstractThis study examines the effects of perceived Islamophobia on group identification and acculturation attitudes in a sample of Turkish Canadians. We tested the rejection‐identification model (RIM) and the rejection‐disidentification model (RDIM) to examine how perceived Islamophobia affects religious and national identification. The study also explores whether perceived Islamophobia, national identification, and religious identification have any impact on the acculturation attitudes of Turkish immigrants. All relationships were investigated using path analysis. The results suggest that perceived Islamophobia does not affect religious or national identification. Results also show that perceived Islamophobia positively predicts endorsement of marginalization as an acculturation strategy. National identification predicts higher levels of integration and assimilation and lower levels of separation. Those who report higher religious identification are more inclined to prefer separation.

Counterterrorism strategies that mainly rely on hard power have long been used to defeat terrorism. In recent years, governments have begun incorporating soft power approaches not as a substitute, but as a complementary strategy to be applied alongside hard power approaches. Disengagement and deradicalization programs are important components of soft power approaches, and are regarded as significant contributors to traditional counterterrorism methods. In this paper, we analyze a locally developed counterterrorism program in Turkey, which resulted in the disengagement and deradicalization of hundreds of militants. In this paper we present an examination of a pilot program that focused on applying individual disengagement and deradicalization counterterrorism measures that was conducted by the Adana Police Department in Turkey between 2009 and 2015. This program was designed to reach out to the members of extremist groups and their families for the purpose of persuading them to disengage from their groups, change their radical mindsets, and help them reintegrate into society. We also discuss how the change in the government's counterterrorism strategy from one which prioritizes the use of soft power approaches to another, which mostly utilizes the hard power approach, and almost completely discards the soft power method, influenced the implementation of the program.

Over the last decade, social media platforms have become the leading communication tools for activists and protesters all over the world. Understanding protesters' motivations and reasons for using social media is a challenging issue for researchers. In this article, we analyzed the use of Twitter during the anti-governmental protests in Istanbul that was launched in May 2013. We examined 13,794 tweets posted to the #direngeziparki hashtag over a 6-day period. Based on the results of a qualitative content coding of the tweets, we found that the Twitter platform was widely used to mobilize protesters, share information about the events, and express opinions about the policing of the protests. We argue that social media can help keep protests peaceful by preventing vandalism, informing the protesters about extremist or violent groups participating in the protests, and can help them to avoid engaging in violent acts against police forces.